
Vol. 76, No. 11, November 
2003
Ruling by Moral Force
When others seek to undermine the authority of our courts by 
attacking the institution's moral force, the organized bar must rise to 
defend the judicial branch of government. 
 
by George Burnett
 On Sept. 10, 2003, the Wall Street Journal published 
an editorial criticizing a recent decision of our Wisconsin Supreme 
Court as politically motivated. The decision, Trinity Evangelical 
Lutheran Church and School-Freistadt v. Tower Ins. Co. (2003 WI 
46), raised the difficult question of punitive damages and their 
constitutionality. Anyone reading the case understands the question is a 
difficult and controversial one, one on which reasonable minds can 
disagree. Anyone reading the case also knows that however difficult the 
issue, political views played no role in our court's decision.
On Sept. 10, 2003, the Wall Street Journal published 
an editorial criticizing a recent decision of our Wisconsin Supreme 
Court as politically motivated. The decision, Trinity Evangelical 
Lutheran Church and School-Freistadt v. Tower Ins. Co. (2003 WI 
46), raised the difficult question of punitive damages and their 
constitutionality. Anyone reading the case understands the question is a 
difficult and controversial one, one on which reasonable minds can 
disagree. Anyone reading the case also knows that however difficult the 
issue, political views played no role in our court's decision.
Under the headline "Punitive, Schmunitive" the Journal 
wrote:
"A high point of the Supreme Court's last term was its 6-3 decision 
to draw the line on outrageous punitive-damages awards. But a large 
section of the nation's plaintiffs' bar and even some judges have been 
working hard ever since to undermine the ruling.
"To the shock and awe of the tort bar, the Court held in State 
Farm v. Campbell that excessive punitive-damages awards violated 
the Constitutional guarantee of due process.
...
"Within a month, the Wisconsin Supreme Court took it upon itself to 
redefine compensatory damages in a way that guts the ruling. In 1995, a 
teacher for Trinity Evangelical Lutheran Church was involved in a 
$490,000 car accident. Tower Insurance refused to pay the bills for 
three years because of a dispute over coverage. Midway through 
litigation, Tower reversed its position and paid the claim, as well as 
$17,000 in compensatory damages for the church's legal fees.
"But Trinity pressed on for a punitive award and a jury ultimately 
hit Tower with one for $3.5 million - 200 times the $17,000 in actual 
damages. The case was appealed up to the Wisconsin Supreme Court, which 
ruled that the 'compensatory' damages should also include the $490,000 
accident bill. Presto, the ratio was 7 to 1 - therefore creatively 
constitutional.
"And that's just the beginning of the fuzzy math."
* * * * *
It is without doubt the prerogative, indeed the responsibility, of 
our press to analyze and question important public events. The public 
acts of public officials deserve careful scrutiny. Judicial decisions 
merit no exception. Without doubt, important opinion-shapers, like the 
Wall Street Journal, serve an important role in our 
democracy.
But opinion shapers perform a great disservice when they disguise 
their criticism of judicial policy by ascribing to judges motivations 
that should be reserved for political partisans. Nothing will erode the 
confidence of the citizenry in our judiciary faster than to ascribe 
political motives to judicial decisions.
To read the editorial, one is left with the impression that our 
supreme court's decision was politically motivated, the product of a 
determined effort to undermine the authority of the U.S. Supreme Court 
and the result of irresponsible reasoning.
The founders of this great country recognized the importance of an 
independent judiciary. They also recognized that, unlike partisan 
politicians, judges cannot debate their critics publicly. Courts and 
judges must speak through their opinions and say no more.
Lately, the wisdom of judges and the common sense of juries have been 
under increasing attack. Some would drastically change those great 
institutions altogether.
But the organized bar knows better. We recognize that it is only in 
the third branch of government where a citizen possesses the right to 
address his or her government directly. We know that De Tocqueville's 
observation that courts rule by "moral force" is as true today as it was 
almost 200 years ago when he made it. We understand that there is no 
more effective means to undermine the authority of our courts than to 
attack the moral force that the institution has earned.
When assaults on the judicial branch of government occur, it is the 
role of the organized bar to address them. If the organized bar stands 
for anything, it is for the defense of the judicial branch of 
government.
Wisconsin 
Lawyer